Quantifiers and Negation: A Minimalist Approach to Partial Negation

This paper explores some syntactic aspects of negative sentences in which some QP is focused in the scope of negation (“partial negation”). Assuming that sentential negation is licensed by the application of Agree between Pol and a negative element in TP, I argue that the distributions of QPs for partial negation naturally follow from the interactions between the Agree operation and a focus condition on QPs. I also argue that the adjunction type of quantifier raising (QR), whose optional application is justified and controlled by economy considerations, should be a tool for QPs to accord with the condition.∗.